Vol. 4 No. 3 (March, 1994) pp. 41-43
THE SUPREME COURT BAR: LEGAL ELITES IN THE WASHINGTON COMMUNITY
by Kevin T. McGuire. Charlottesville: University Press of
Virginia, 1993. 254 pp.
Reviewed by John P. Heinz, American Bar Foundation and
Northwestern University.
This is a book about an elite within an elite within an elite.
Lawyers are, of course, a relatively select group, even in
America, even now. Though their numbers have burgeoned in the
last two decades, and it sometimes seems as though every other
person on the bus is a lawyer distributing business cards, the
U.S. citizen's chance of becoming a lawyer is still only about
one in 340. And though they are the subject of denigrating jokes,
lawyers still occupy 60 percent of the seats in the U.S. Senate.
Within the legal profession, lawyers who have ever had a case
before the Supreme Court are an elite of the elite. There are
about 800,000 lawyers in the U.S. today, but only 134,000 have
been admitted to the bar of the Supreme Court since 1925, of whom
some substantial, unknown number have surely died. (p. 30).
Moreover, many of the lawyers who are admitted to practice before
the Court (perhaps most) have never had a case there. Fewer than
a tenth of all living lawyers, then, have ever put their names on
papers filed in the Supreme Court. And of that tenth, very few
appear in the Court with any regularity. The ones who do,
referred to by McGuire as the "inner circle" of Supreme
Court litigators, are thus an elite to the third power -- the
elite of the elite of the elite.
The book is based on analysis of 327 responses to a mailed survey
of lawyers who had cases in the Supreme Court during the 1986-87
term (the response rate was 48 percent) and on personal
interviews with nineteen experienced members of the Supreme Court
bar. McGuire also uses data gathered from published sources,
including the U.S. REPORTS and the MARTINDALE-HUBBELL LAW
DIRECTORY, as well as data derived from Caldeira and Wright's
study of petitions for certiorari and from the Supreme Court data
base developed by Harold Spaeth and others.
He finds that lawyers who are active in the Supreme Court tend to
be white males, educated at elite law schools, who practice in
large law firms or in state government, are located in large
cities (especially, New York, Washington and Chicago), specialize
in litigation, and are disproportionately likely to be Democrats
(pp. 29-45). This last observation, however, is based on a
comparison to numbers published in the AMERICAN BAR ASSOCIATION
JOURNAL indicating that 54 percent of lawyers nationally are
Republicans, which I believe to be of doubtful validity. So far
as I know, there are no reliable data on the party affiliations
of lawyers nationally. Somewhat surprisingly, McGuire also finds
that lawyers in the 35 to 44 age group are considerably
overrepresented among Supreme Court practitioners (almost half
are in this category), while those age 65 and older are
substantially underrepresented (Table 3.2, p. 35).
The data indicate that "Supreme Court lawyers are primarily
counsel to business interests, serving only modest segments of
the community of individuals..." (p. 60). Some
non-commercial fields of law are, however, overrepresented among
Supreme Court lawyers. As one might anticipate, these include
criminal law and civil liberties (p. 62). McGuire presents a
structural analysis of several characteristics of the lawyers --
the nature of their clients, the fields in which they specialize,
the amount of time that they spend in various sorts of courts. He
finds a two-dimensional structure in which one of the dimensions
pretty clearly represents a division between fields that serve
businesses and those that deal with the problems of individuals
(Figure 4.1, p. 65). Social opposites are found on opposite sides
of the space -- for example, lawyers who represent major
corporations are diametrically opposed to those who practice
criminal law and those who represent blue collar workers. McGuire
concludes:
[L]awyers who serve large institutional interests are part of the
active cohort of counsel, while those whose practice is oriented
toward smaller individual interests remain on the periphery.
Lawyers
Page 42 follows:
who serve major corporations or represent labor unions are more
often before the Court than, say, counsel to small businesses or
to blue-collar workers (pp. 72-73).
The point is summarized a few pages later in the observation that
"the lawyers within the inner circle are counsel to the rich
and powerful litigants" (p. 76).
The main thesis of the book is this:
[T]here is an elite circle of lawyers -- principal players within
the Washington community -- who serve as gatekeepers to the Court
(p. 5).
These lawyers are fairly well integrated: many practice in
Washington, and often they have served as clerks to the justices
or worked in the Office of the Solicitor General. These ties are
further reinforced by their continued participation in Supreme
Court politics. Thus, the sociometric structure of the
experienced elite is relatively closed to outsiders; the
boundaries of that inner circle are not easily crossed (p. 11).
The basic division is clear. Close to the Court stand the
experienced and influential gatekeepers, that small inner circle
of elites tied to the Washington community. Beyond them exists
the larger outer circle of relatively inexperienced litigators,
the fluid cast of counselors who remain outside of the power
politics of the Supreme Court (pp. 26-27).
In support of this thesis, the book presents data drawn from the
survey of lawyers active during the 1986-87 term of the Court.
The 327 respondents to the survey were each asked to name up to
five "expert" Supreme Court litigators. This question
produced a list of 166 different practitioners (p. 140). It is
unclear exactly why so few names were elicited -- this might, of
course, be attributable either to non-responses or to congruence
in the persons named. We are told that "14.7 percent [of the
respondents] named but one lawyer and 32.7 percent named as many
as three, [while] only 4.6 percent nominated five Supreme Court
notables" (p. 147). Since 32.7 percent of 327 respondents
(i.e., 107), each of whom named three lawyers, would produce 321
nominations -- even without the nominations of respondents who
named only one or two -- this would suggest that there must have
been a high degree of congruence in order to get the list down to
166 names. But, as to congruence, we are told only that "of
those lawyers who were named as Supreme Court experts, some were
nominated only once; others were mentioned several times,"
and that eleven lawyers were named four or more times (p. 148).
Apart from this, no formal analysis is reported of the extent to
which the nominations converged upon a particular set of names,
or of the nature of the constituencies of the notables. Moreover,
four nominations from among 327 respondents would seem to be
something less than an overwhelming indication of centrality or
prominence.
The respondents were also asked to name lawyers they had
contacted for advice when they were preparing their cases in the
Supreme Court. Only a quarter of the respondents said that they
had contacted others, and only 28 percent of those contacted had
been contacted by more than one respondent (p. 141). Does this
indicate a high degree of interaction among lawyers active in the
Supreme Court?
There is, of course, likely to be contact among at least some
Supreme Court lawyers. One of the lawyers who was personally
interviewed said:
There is a group of people who really like the Supreme Court,
follow it closely, litigate before it, write about it, live in
Washington, go to parties at the Supreme Court. I wouldn't call
it a Supreme Court bar. I guess it's too undignified to call them
Supreme Court groupies, but it falls somewhere between the two
(p. 144).
Page 43 follows:
The book concludes:
In sum, the concept of the Supreme Court bar as a community of
lawyers has considerable utility. The elite circle of the bar, in
particular, bears many of the marks of a professional community
(p. 145).
I doubt it. And I think that the book presents little hard
evidence that this is the case.
The principal problem with the thesis that the members of the
inner circle serve as "gatekeepers," controlling access
to the Court, is the author's own observation that "most
lawyers who end up arguing before the Court have been involved in
a case from the earliest stages of litigation" (p. 79).
Indeed, 67.7 percent of the respondents who participated in cases
in the 1986-87 term entered their cases in the trial court or in
an administrative proceeding -- i.e., before the case reached the
appellate level (Table 5.1, p. 80). Only 8.6 percent of them
entered at the Supreme Court stage. Thus, it is not the case that
lawyers from the provinces handle these cases in the initial
stages, and that the big guns are then called in when the case
reaches the highest court -- nor that especially experienced and
influential counsel are employed in order to get the case through
the gate to that Court. Instead, the lawyers who argue cases in
the Supreme Court are usually the same lawyers who handled the
cases from the beginning. Where, then, is the gatekeeping?
Experienced Supreme Court lawyers do appear to enjoy a greater
rate of success in their petitions for review by the Court.
McGuire finds that 22 percent of the cases brought by experienced
lawyers were granted review, as compared to 6 percent of cases in
which no experienced counsel were involved (p. 181). This could
be because the experienced practitioners are more skillful or
have greater credibility with the Court, or it might be because
the experienced lawyers do not waste their time on cases that are
clearly long shots. That is, they might prefer to devote their
effort to cases that have some reasonable chance of being heard
by the Court. McGuire recognizes this possibility, and therefore
constructs a probit model that controls for several of the
variables that are most likely to affect grants of certiorari. In
that model, he finds that the experience factor makes a
significant contribution to the explanation of the Court's
selection of cases (Table 8.1, p. 182).
If experience is of value to lawyers (and their clients) in
securing review of cases, is it also of value in winning the
decision on the merits? McGuire's research suggests that it is.
Since the Supreme Court is more likely to grant review to a case
if it intends to reverse the decision below, the overall success
rate of petitioners in the Court is 65 percent. If the lawyers on
the petitioner's side are more experienced than those on the
respondent's side, however, this success rate increases by ten
percentage points; if the respondent's lawyers are more
experienced, on the other hand, the petitioner's success
decreases to ten points below the average (Table 8.3, p. 192).
This is pretty persuasive evidence.
Thus, Supreme Court experience does appear to enhance Supreme
Court success, but does this mean that the experienced
practitioners act as "gatekeepers"? McGuire's findings
indicate that two-thirds of all Supreme Court cases are handled
by the lawyers who had the cases from the beginning -- these
lawyers (and their clients) were not kept on the other side of
the gate. As McGuire acknowledges in his conclusion:
Although Supreme Court litigation does tend to attract certain
kinds of counsel, the doors of the Court are not wholly closed to
most litigators (p. 204).
Nevertheless, this is a valuable book. It will be of interest
both to political scientists who focus on the Supreme Court and
to students of the legal profession. The book is easy to read and
well-organized; with appropriate guidance, it could be assigned
to undergraduates, as well as to graduate students.
Copyright 1994