Volume 2, No. 4 (April, 1992) pp. 57-61
CODE OF PEACE: ETHICS AND SECURITY IN THE WORLD OF WARLORD STATES
by Dorothy V. Jones, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991)
Friedrich Kratochwil, Department of Political Science, University
of Pennsylvania
This is a curious book. It tackles a variety of topics of
interest to international relations specialists, social theorists
and people interested in international law and organization by
focusing on the allegedly evolving "codes" of
international politics. Staying primarily on the level of
declarations, and taking legal documents and charters as evidence
for what states consider "proper" behavior, Dorothy
Jones argues that a consensus on ethical principles has evolved
which can serve as the norma- tive foundation for peace in
contemporary world politics.
This certainly surprising conclusion is largely due to the choice
of a methodology. This choice allows Jones to skirt many of the
important conceptual and methodological problems that have
plagued similar previous treatises, as well as various approaches
in social engineering and jurisprudence. After all, what IS the
role of norms in international politics? Are they simple smoke-
screens for basic interests or power, or do they have an indepen-
dent impact in shaping the decisions of international actors? Can
I infer consensus from the ritual re-recitation of princi- ples?
Can I furthermore argue that these principles are "impor-
tant" for decision-making simply because states say so.
Even if we limited our inquiry to the latter task, we would at
least need a methodology which takes the questions of justify-
ing policies seriously and which enables us to trace argumenta-
tive strategies and processes. Jurisprudence and the theory of
communicative action offer themselves as candidates for analyzing
such problems. The revival of "political theory" (Held
1991), by focusing on the changes in the political discourse and
the topics and metaphors through which we make sense of our
political life, would be another way in which we can reflect upon
the context of political actions and norms. But the author's
choice of a simple straightforward historical narrative as a
method fails to probe these questions or even suggest further
avenues for examination.
The response to my objections could simply be that it is unfair
"to beat up on a cat because she does not bark". If the
author's goal was to record the different strands of
"ethical thought" that were present at various
junctures when "peace" was negotiated, then the
"merging of concerns with conflict resolu- tion, standards
of social justice, human rights guarantees and with the
fundamental principles governing international life into a
code" (see e.g. p. 22 and 155ff) establishes the parameters
for telling a story with "evolutionary" overtones.
However, even if we adhere to sharing the optimism inherent in
such a narrative, one sorely misses any reference to the
literature which deals with the "limits of law" and
with the preconditions that make legal
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processes effective means for conflict resolution. Some legal
scholars have pointed out that the weakness of the international
legal order is not due to the lack of "codes" or the
pronounce- ment of principles, but to the lack of
institutionalization of the world POLITICAL process (Kaplan and
de Katz enbach 1961).
Furthermore, unless we want to be satisfied with a HISTORY OF
IDEAS concerning a non-violent conduct of international affairs,
we need a bit more than an account of peace conferences, efforts
of codification and establishment of international organizations.
The subtitle,"ethics and security in the world of warlord
states" seems to suggest that the author was aware that she
would have to cast the net wider. But again the reader is
disappointed in his or her expectations. The issue of ethics
remains entirely undeveloped. This does not mean that the problem
of "ethics" has to be tackled in the same fashion as
analytical philosophy. I, for one, was glad that the author took
the problem of ethics as an issue of praxis seriously, rather
than a priori speculation to which many more philosophically
inclined treatises or "world order proposals" resort.
It does mean, however, that the context of norm and action has to
be more critically examined. Simply noting the "growth"
in the number of declarations affirming normative concerns does
not suffice.
Similarly, as some authors concerned with the practice of states
in the post-war era have noted, the near universal accep- tance
of sovereignty and self-determination as normative guide- posts
has lead to a good deal of incoherence. As Robert Jackson (1990)
points out, neither the choosing "self" nor the issue
of "determination" has been successfully tackled by
endowing former colonies with statehood in the absence of any
further factual qualification for the exercise of sovereignty.
The "self" of the new states is simply that of
jurisdictional spheres which the colonial powers had once imposed
and which, through the instru- ment of legal succession, becomes
a subject in international law. "Determination" also
becomes problematic because neither meaning- ful procedural
safeguards for participation nor the protection of sub-national
group rights exist.
These examples could be easily multiplied. Are democracy, human
rights and peace really as compatible as the liberal vision makes
us believe? The example of hard line "communists"
becom- ing the spokesmen for certain groups and nationalities in
the former Soviet Union (or Serbia) should give us some pause.
Similarly, during the inter-war period, self-determination and
the voice of the people was supposed to prevent war and hold
their leaders accountable. This type of analysis stays on the
level of normative declarations. What is missing is the question
of institutions and their role in determining policies and
outcomes. Thus listing nine basic and two auxiliary principles
which states have agreed to and considering them part of an
emerging "code" raises more questions than it
answers.(1)
For example, the commitment (even if it existed at an appreciable
level of seriousness) to an "equitable international
economic order" might be quite at odds with the principle of
"protecting the
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environment", as presumably the sharing of resources depends
upon economic growth at the core (in order to create the surplus
to be transferred to the periphery) as well as at the periphery.
Thus given the contradictory implications of these two agreed
upon principles both political praxis and its justification
cannot be meaningfully appreciated at this level of abstraction.
Having criticized the work for what it is not (despite its own
claims) it is nevertheless important to realize what this work
can contribute to our understanding. If I had to character- ize
it in one short sentence, I would say that it is a book on the
developments in international law and international organiza-
tions from the turn of the century to the l98Os. It is clearly
written, well researched, and thus it is very informative and a
pleasure to read.
The work is more of the genre of the "old"
international law and organization treatises, which were in vogue
before and immediately after the war, than it is akin to
contemporary discussions on ethics and international affairs. The
resemblance to books such as those by Charles Beitz (1979),
Stanley Hoffmann (1981), Thomas Pogge (1989), or to
jurisprudentially oriented works by Thomas Franck (1990), Terry
Nardin (1983), Lea Brilmayer (1989), or to policy-oriented
treatises by Myres McDougal (1966; McDougal and Lasswell 1966) or
Richard Falk (1968), or even to articles in ETHICS AND
INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS, are more or less accidental.
One has indeed to wonder whether this book would not be better
served by being marketed as one of the "law and organiza-
tion" treatises, instead of being pressed into a category
into which it does not quite fit. Of course, one could, in turn,
object to such a pre-emption of the field by modern authors and
insist that there is no reason why the term "ethics"
should be reserved for such efforts. But since this argument is
never explicitly made, the reader is justified in his
disappointment since s/he could expect a different kind of book
under this title.
Read as a record of the developments in the field of inter-
national law and organization, the book serves an important
function by making accessible to us a concise record of the works
of many important international lawyers and thinkers who contem-
plated the problem of international governance. There is much
food for thought in these pages. However, today's analyst would
be well advised to ruminate about these suggestions with more
than the benefit of hindsight. It is necessary to carefully
examine the reasons why these proposals were so easily derailed
despite their impressive intellectual pedigree and careful
elaboration.
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Notes
1. These nine principles are: a) sovereign equality of states b)
territorial integrity and political independence c) equal rights
and self-determination of peoples d) nonintervention in the
internal affairs e) peaceful settlement of disputes f) abstention
from the threat or use of force g) fulfillment in good faith of
international obliga- tions h) cooperation with other states i)
respect for human rights.
The two auxiliary principles are: creation of an equitable
international economic order and the protection of the environ-
ment.
References
Beitz, Charles. 1979. POLITICAL THEORY AND INTERNATIONAL RELA-
TIONS. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Brilmayer, Lea. 1989. JUSTIFYING INTERNATIONAL ACTS. Ithaca, NY:
Cornell University Press.
Falk, Richard. 1968. LEGAL ORDER IN A VIOLENT WORLD. Princeton,
NJ: Princeton University Press.
Falk, Richard A. and Saul H. Mendlovitz, eds. 1966. THE STRATEGY
OF WORLD ORDER 2: INTERNATIONAL LAW. New York: World Law Fund.
Franck, Thomas. 1990. THE POWER OF LEGITIMACY AMONG NATIONS. New
York: Oxford University Press 1990.
Held, David. 1991. POLITICAL THEORY TODAY. Cambridge Eng.: Polity
Press.
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Hoffmann, Stanley. 1981. DUTIES BEYOND BORDERS. Syracuse, NY:
Syracuse University Press.
Jackson, Robert H. 1990. QUASI-STATES: SOVEREIGNTY, INTERNATIONAL
RELATIONS, AND THE THIRD WORLD. Cambridge Eng.: Cambridge Univer-
sity Press.
Kaplan, Morton and Nicholas de Katzenbach. 1961. THE POLITICAL
FOUNDATIONS OF INTERNATIONAL LAW. New York: Wiley.
McDougal, Myres S. 1966. "Some Basic Concepts about
International Law: A Policy-Oriented Framework of Inquiry."
in Falk and Mendlovitz 1966.
McDougal, Myres S. and Harold D. Lasswell. 1966. "The
Identifica- tion and Appraisal of Diverse Systems of Public
Order." in Falk and Mendlovitz 1966.
Nardin, Terry. 1983. LAW, MORALITY AND THE RELATIONS OF STATES.
Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Pogge, Thomas. 1989. REALIZING RAWLS (Ithaca: Cornell University
Press, 1989).
Copyright 1992