Vol. 6, No. 1 (January,1996) pp. 16-19
SEX WARS: SEXUAL DISSENT AND POLITICAL CULTURE by Lisa Duggan and
Nan D. Hunter. New York: Routledge, 1995. 310 pp.
Reviewed by Susan R. Burgess, Department of Political Science,
University of Wisconsin - Milwaukee.
SEX WARS consists of a new introductory essay (written by Duggan)
and fifteen reprinted articles grouped into three sections tied
together by the theme of sexual dissent: pornography (written
primarily by Duggan), legal regulation of homosexuality (written
by Hunter), and queer activism in the academy (written by
Duggan). The reprinted articles, most of which appear in the
chronological order of their original publication, first appeared
in a variety of venues including scholarly journals, journalistic
outlets, law reviews, and edited books. Appendices include
proposed anti-pornography ordinances and the FACT (Feminists
Anticensorship Task Force) brief.
Adopting a social constructionist, as opposed to an essentialist
view of sexuality, Duggan and Hunter argue that "[b]ecause
sexual representations construct identities (they do not merely
reflect preexisting ones), restriction and regulation of sexual
expression is a form of political repression [or, a form of war,
hence the title of the book] aimed at sexual minorities and
gender nonconformists."(5) In order to squelch sexual
dissent, right wing and status quo political and legal forces
create a series of "sex panics" about the dire
consequences of sexual "deviance." (5) Duggan and
Hunter argue that sexual dissenters can best disrupt this panicky
political and legal rhetoric by "forg[ing] a politics that
might effectively intervene to transform public discourses about
sexuality." (1)
However, disruption entails more than simply fighting the right,
because resistance to sexual dissent comes not only from the
outside, but also from within more apparently politically
progressive circles (such as, Duggan and Hunter argue, from
procensorship feminists like Catherine MacKinnon and Andrea
Dworkin.) Duggan and Hunter want to enable sexual dissenters of
all stripes to resist more effectively by producing "bridge
discourses" that will build connections between liberal and
progressive reform political groups, the performative or direct
action politics of more radical groups, and the critical politics
of cultural theory and social analysis. For them, the queer
community is "unified only by a shared dissent from the
dominant organization of sex and gender." (165) Thus, queer
does not simply exist in homosexualized bodies; to the contrary,
essentialist, identity politics that would define queer as simply
homosexual, "replace[d] closets with ghettos....[and] let
the larger society off the hook of anxiety about sexual
difference." (184)
Duggan and Hunter argue against the antipornography feminism of
MacKinnon and Dworkin on grounds that it is censorship in the
name of feminism that it creates "sex panics" which
serve to reproduce "respectable" representation of sex
and to repress dissenting representation, such as lesbian
erotica. Duggan and Hunter contend that antipornography feminists
largely have aligned themselves with the radical right rather
than with local feminists and have far
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too much faith in the ability of courts to protect women;
consequently they wind up reproducing respectability and erasing
female sexual subjectivity. Arguing that the antipornography
feminists conflate concepts of violence, sexual explicitness, and
sexism, Duggan and Hunter contend that antipornography campaign
is overly broad: "it makes as much sense to organize a group
called Women Against the Novel as it does to organize Women
Against Porn. We are against MISOGYNY in sexually explicitly
materials. We are not against sexually explicit materials per
se." (72)
The section on law and sexual dissent critiques the essentialist
and historically obtuse construction of sexuality that emerges
from BOWERS V. HARDWICK and other high profile cases including
the Sharon Kowalski case. Hunter shows that the meaning of sodomy
has shifted from a crime against procreation to a crime ascribed
to identity and same sex sexual activity. Arguing that the shift
is problematic she notes that: "It is not a debate about a
type of person, any more than one discusses theft in terms of two
distinct types of human beings -- the robbers and the burglars.
The law does not assume that a certain personality type will
commit theft one way, and another personality type another way.
Anyone could be guilty of either kind of conduct, depending on
the facts of the particular incident." (89) Nevertheless,
Hunter reveals that many institutions (not least of which is the
US Supreme Court) appear to assume that certain sexual behaviors,
such as sodomy, are best characterized along essential identity
lines rather than as behavior that both homosexuals and
heterosexuals alike can perform.
Given this reality, and the oppressive politics that accompany
it, the central question becomes how best to combat naturalized
categories, while at the same time working to gain equal rights
for those who are most disadvantaged by the current
constructions. The latter task appears to be the more difficult
one for Duggan and Hunter given that the civil right legacy and
its positive, moral rhetoric has historically been grounded in
the very identity politics that they reject; that the right
appears to have cornered the market on moral rhetoric makes
recapturing moral discourse all the more urgent.
Racial and class divisions are also reproduced along with
divisions between the more conservative civil rights wing versus
the more radical wing of the gay and lesbian movement; the
radicals worry that the civil rights advocates' concern with
rights and respectability will lead to limitations on identity
and exclusion of some sexual dissenters, while the civil rights
advocates worry that criticism of dominant class desires and
expectations will impede civil rights victories. Thus we find
civil rights advocates perennially discussing whether
marginalized identities such as drag queens and transvestites
have a place in movement's civil rights marches -- apparently
oblivious to the historical fact that the Stonewall rebellion
(which makes civil rights marches possible today) was launched by
precisely those marginalized groups. In addition, the civil
rights wing of the gay and lesbian movement is increasingly
populated by white, middle to upper class professional gay men
(such as the Log Cabin Republicans) who were forced out of the
closet and politicized by the AIDS crisis; they appear
unconcerned with
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differences other than sexual orientation, such as racial, class,
and gender difference, which are of paramount importance to the
more radical wing of the movement.
In the final section, dealing with queer activism and the
academy, Duggan argues that although queer theorists in the
academy often adopt indecipherable jargon and ignore or disdain
their activist/intellectual predecessors, many of whom were never
able to attain permanent university positions, "[i]t is a
terrible mistake to dismiss the work in queer theory as
jargon-ridden, elitist claptrap" (205). She argues that
"[t]he continuing work of queer politics and theory is to
open up possibilities for coalition across barriers of class,
race, and gender, and to somehow satisfy the paradoxical
necessity of recognizing differences, while producing
(provisional) unity." (170) She offers two suggestions to
counter the "No Promo Homo" and "No Special
Rights" antihomosexual campaigns employed by the right,
namely: No Promo Hetero and Whose Special Rights? Duggan argues
that such counter-campaigns could expose the false neutrality of
the right (and the state) by revealing their covert promotion of
heterosexuality, in part by granting special rights to
heterosexuals. In her view, such campaigns would work for, but
also beyond civil rights and antidiscrimination advocacy by
serving to deconstruct the naturalized categories that the
right's work is premised upon. Duggan concludes that sexuality is
much like religious identification -- unfixed, with conversion
possible, yet still a constitutionally protected category.
Given the title of the book, and the attention the book pays to
the division amongst feminists over pornography, it seems odd
that Duggan and Hunter do not discuss in any detail the debate
about sadomasochism which occurred in the lesbian feminist
community around the same time, and perhaps even in response to,
the limits on sexual representation that were being called for by
the antipornography wing of the movement. They do say that when
feminist anger at women's conditions is displaced onto
antipornography campaign, as it was earlier with
anti-prostitution campaigns, the laws often turn out to harm or
penalize women. But they don't say, what, if any, lines are
appropriate to draw between legal and illegal forms of sexual
dissent. Although I do not want to suggest that all or many
sexual dissenters have any sexual interest whatsoever in
children, while reading through SEX WARS I found myself wondering
whether Duggan and Hunter envision pedophiles or perpetrators of
incest as members of their coalition. Would Duggan and Hunter
contend that any sexual choice that appears consensual should be
left unaddressed by the law and if so, wouldn't that amount to a
vapid liberal individualism of the sort that they wish to escape?
These important questions are left undiscussed. If even temporary
bridges are to be built between more radical sexual
liberationists like Duggan and Hunter and more liberal civil
rights reformers, these difficult questions will have to be
confronted and discussed in some detail.
In addition, while a broad based coalition amongst sexual
dissenters sounds strong and thus somewhat appealing at a
theoretical level, the politics within such a coalition requires
almost constant give and take between its different constituent
groups;
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Duggan and Hunter are undoubtedly quite well aware of this due to
their extensive activism. Because SEX WARS takes a strong
liberationist stand and does not directly discuss the internal
politics of coalition building, one could leave the book with the
false impression that such negotiation is unnecessary or
unimportant; I would argue, to the contrary, that it is the most
important political work that diverse coalitions undertake.
Because of this, I would have liked to hear Duggan and Hunter
describe and analyze that politics.
Nevertheless, this book does a fine job of documenting and
analyzing several legal and political issues of great importance
to the country, and to feminist, gay and lesbian and progressive
activists and intellectuals in particular. Because the articles
are reprinted, there is some overlap and repetition. Despite
this, the book is clearly written and should be accessible to a
variety of audiences. SEX WARS could profitably be used as a
supplementary text in an introductory or advanced undergraduate
class that addresses issues of law and politics in the context of
gender and sexuality; it would undoubtedly promote lively
discussion of issues that are highly contested, perhaps now more
than ever.
Copyright 1996